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in the absence of any leadership from the state capitol to address carbon emissions, the city of Austin has taken the reins. Its Climate Protection Plan, unveiled last February by Democratic Mayor Will Wynn, is seen by environmentalists as the country’s most aggressive municipal initiative aimed at reducing greenhouse gases. The plan calls for 100 percent of all city facilities to be powered completely by renewable energy by 2012, and to make all new single-family homes zero-net-energy-capable by 2015, which means they’ll have to be at least 65 percent more efficient and, with solar panels on the roof, able to generate as much energy as they consume over the course of a year.

As state legislators gear up for next year’s session, a Republican-led coalition is forming with the hope of finally pushing through carbon-related legislation. West Texas cattle rancher and staunch GOP state Rep. Warren Chisum has gained the support of 55 members of the state House and Senate as part of the House Carbon Caucus he formed after last year’s session. “It’s disappointing to me that Texas doesn’t have a state plan right now,” says Chisum, who says he wants to approach the issue not from an ideological standpoint but from a practical one. “We’ve wasted a lot of time debating this issue. I simply see this as an issue of good state government. Rather than wait for something to come down the pike from the federal government, we should go ahead and enact something for ourselves, and not let a bunch of federal bureaucrats stuff something down our throats.” Spoken like a true Texan.
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The CO2 State

If Texas were its own country, it would be the 48th most populous in the world, right between North Korea and Ghana. In terms of landmass, at 268,000 square miles it would be the 40th-biggest. But when it comes to environmental impact, Texas is on par with some of the largest, most industrialized nations on the planet.

Were the Lonestar State to secede from the union it would be the world’s eighth-largest emitter of the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide, just behind Canada, with 630 million metric tons spewed into the atmosphere in 2005, according to new figures released this week by the U.S. government’s Energy Information Administration. That’s actually a reduction of 40 million metric tons since 2003, when Texas was the globe’s seventh-largest CO2 contributor. But even though the state is improving, Texas still outpaces the combined emissions of California and Pennsylvania, the states with the second- and third-highest CO2 outputs.

Considering its role in the U.S. economy, it’s no surprise Texas ranks as it does. As the nation’s leading producer of energy, and with more cattle and oil refineries than any other state, it is essentially America’s power plant, gas pump and beef basket. Yes, all those cows play a part. While many environmentalists focus on the methane (another greenhouse gas) produced by cows, the raising of cattle also contributes to CO2 emissions (the burning of fuel to transport cattle and meat, etc.). A study released last summer by Japanese scientists showed that production of just 1 kilogram of beef results in more CO2 emissions than going for a three-hour drive while leaving all the lights on at home. Texas also has the largest petrochemical industry in the country, which churns out a host of consumer products, everything from makeup to motor oil.

But it’s not just industry and agriculture that give Texas such an outsize carbon footprint. Texans epitomize America’s penchant for overconsumption, so much so that they’ve even coined their own phrase for superlarge portions: Texas-sized. The state’s 23.5 million residents use nearly 3,000 more kilowatt-hours of electricity every year than the average American and a higher percentage of them drive large, gas-guzzling vehicles. Of the 20 million registered vehicles in Texas, one in four is a pickup truck. Of the 245 million vehicles registered in the United States, only 16 percent are pickups, according to the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers. Last year light trucks made up 61 percent of all new vehicles (both personal and commercial) sold in Texas, compared to just over half of total vehicle sales in the country.

Nearly a third of Texas’s carbon emissions come from transportation. With so much wide-open space, Texas hasn’t needed the kind of urban planning that promotes density. Rather, it is a state of far-flung towns and cities, connected by highways and with practically no mass transit. Air quality has suffered as a result; by some estimates more than half of all Texans live in areas where the air is unsafe to breathe, as defined by the EPA’s Clean Air Act.

Even in the reddest of Red States, one would think that such a health hazard would cause Texas to get serious about air pollution. But it is one of only 15 states without a climate action plan in place or even under consideration. This at a time when some of the most aggressive state plans have taken shape under Republican governors, according to national climate protection groups. In 2006, California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger muscled through the most ambitious carbon cap-and-trade plan of any state in the country, aimed at reducing statewide CO2 emissions to 1990 levels by 2020. Last summer Florida’s GOP Gov. Charlie Crist signed executive orders to slash the state’s greenhouse-gas emissions to 20 percent of 1990 levels by 2050. In Minnesota, Gov. Tim Pawlenty last year signed a law requiring state utilities to generate a quarter of their power from renewable sources by 2025, and in Connecticut, Gov. Jodi Rell’s Energy Vision initiative calls for 20 percent of all energy used and sold in the state to come from clean or renewable sources by 2020.
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Reinventing the Inbox

As Web sites like Facebook and MySpace change the way we communicate online, the IN box—that overflowing, spam-clogged emblem of Internet frustration—is also due for a makeover. Tech companies are working to invent some kind of fusion of e-mail and social networking, which would enable e-mail users to manage their IN boxes and contact lists with Facebook-style networking tools. “People are beginning to say, ‘I don’t want to go to one site for e-mail, and another site for instant messaging, and yet another site to post on a wall’,” says John Kremer, vice president for Yahoo Mail. “I want to be able to manage my communications in a single place in a way that makes me more productive, and makes it a smarter experience.”

One of the leading startups in this new field is Xobni. The San Francisco firm hopes to capitalize on dissatisfaction with swelling IN boxes that make the eyes glaze over. “Google organized all the information on the Web,” says cofounder Matt Brezina. “Nobody’s really done that for your personal information.” In the spring, Xobni plans to release Insight, a product that allows users to organize their e-mail according to relationships. The software extracts statistics about e-mail patterns, and then sorts incoming messages according to the relationship the user has with the sender. Instead of a chronological list, Insight displays messages from important people at the top of the IN box.

For each user, Insight can also create a profile that includes contact information and links to previous conversations and is displayed in a sidebar next to the message list. The sidebar also contains what Brezina calls a “hidden social network”—a list of people your correspondent exchanges e-mails with, and also happen to be in your contact list. If you get an e-mail from an old college friend, you’ll see a list of those people in your contact list who also exchange e-mail with your friend.

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Xobni is looking at other ways to expand the social possibilities of the IN box. One project in development is called Stay in Touch, which looks at your e-mail pattern and creates a list of the people you once sent e-mail to but haven’t been in touch with recently. “We call it the ex-girlfriend finder,” says Brezina.

Other firms are also trying to build a better IN box. At the Consumer Electronics Show in Las Vegas in January, Yahoo previewed its new Mail software, which offers some of the same social-networking elements as Xobni, like giving higher priority to messages that come from users’ friends. Yahoo hopes to launch the software later this year. Radar Networks, another San Francisco startup, is about to launch Twine, which aims to streamline e-mail by storing and sharing phone numbers, favorite links and other bits of information without cluttering the IN box.

Whoever gets the right mix of efficient communication and socializing may become the Internet’s next big moneymaker. Four e-mail providers—Yahoo, Google, Hotmail and AOL—now have almost 700 million users, a number that will only grow. “The overloaded e-mail box was hardly the perfect solution to being online,” says Tom Glaisyer, an expert in online socializing at Columbia University. “Owning the portal between someone’s offline world and their increasingly complex online life is the holy grail.”

For Xobni, the grail may be within reach. Earlier this month, Bill Gates, speaking at the Microsoft Office Developer Conference in San Jose, Calif., called Xobni “the next generation of social networking.” A few days later, Xobni announced that Jeff Bonforte, vice president of Yahoo Messenger, would become the firm’s new CEO. “It’s validating for us,” says Brezina. “We’re at the front of the pack. And we’ve got a target on our back.”<a href=http://www.hongtaicasket.com/product/brand_2_1.html>Wood coffin</a>
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Congressional Budget Office


McCain’s Brain

John McCain has said that economics “is not something I’ve understood as well as I should.” Perhaps he’s just more honest than other candidates, or has a better sense of humor. But the remark—and others that McCain has made on the economy-could get him into political trouble. It is Douglas Holtz-Eakin’s job to head that off. Director of the Congressional Budget Office from 2003 to 2005, Holtz-Eakin worked part-time on McCain’s 2000 campaign and joined the current effort at the start of 2007 as senior policy adviser on economics and other domestic issues. He recently spoke to NEWSWEEK’s Jeffrey Bartholet about the candidate’s platform and clarified some of his more controversial statements. Excerpts:

NEWSWEEK: You’ve been working without pay since last summer. That must be kind of tough.
Douglas Holtz-Eakin: Yes. [Laughs] It has its interesting moments.

At what point will the campaign start paying you again?
I truthfully don’t know the answer to that. What we’re doing at the moment is trying to get the nomination locked down; it’s the march to 1,200 delegates. At that point, according to the plan [campaign manager] Rick Davis has outlined, we’ll rethink the campaign and move forward. But until that moment we’re not going to change anything.

The [Democrats] are raising a lot more money than Senator McCain.
That’s true, but I think we’ve proven that [this race] doesn’t depend on money. We didn’t have the most money in the primary, [but] we have the best candidate. I think we’ll raise more money, and we don’t have to match them dollar for dollar to do well.

Senator McCain has given some ammunition to his Democratic rivals, even before the general election begins, by saying that economics is not something he understands as well as he ought to. Does he regret that comment? Do you regret it?
I regret what’s been made of it. He is a guy who has a sort of self-deprecating sense of humor, and that’s an instance of it that has been bandied about far more widely than I think it merits. He [also] has high standards. He is a leading expert on national security, and I think he expects his economic knowledge to be comparable.

You talk to McCain often about economics. What’s your assessment of his knowledge?
He’s got great instincts; he’s got a lot of experience. So the comment does bother me because it’s at odds with the facts.

He said on Jan. 10 that the economic fundamentals of the United States are strong, and he believes they will remain strong. And he indicated that he didn’t think the country was heading into a recession. Is that your assessment, and does that remain the assessment of Senator McCain at this point?
He’s said several things since then as well. Whether we head into a recession or not doesn’t really matter. The fact is that we’re growing too slowly. People are feeling the effects of that, and we need to grow more quickly. So our focus should be on those policies that improve the economic growth of the United States.

I believe he [at one point] opposed the [short-term] stimulus package that is designed to give the economy a jolt, preferring instead to cut spending.
I don’t think that’s quite right. He spent about a year talking about what he thought was the appropriate structure for the tax code when he became president. He first talked about how important it was to keep taxes low … then he talked about making them fair and simpler, getting rid of the Alternative Minimum Tax, which was never supposed to hit the middle class. Then he talked about making it more pro-growth and competitive by cutting the corporate rate by 25 percent …

Right, but am I wrong in my understanding that he [originally] opposed the stimulus package?
Let me finish, because I think this was misinterpreted in the way it was rolled out. He then said, “Look, this is what I think should happen. It should be paired with controls on spending.” He’s made that point again and again. So let’s do that. And by the way, if we did it right now, it would help the economy. That wasn’t in opposition to what has gone on in Congress, and which the president has now signed. He shared those principles: tax relief for American families, business investment incentives, no wasteful spending. So he voted for the stimulus bill when it came through the Senate. The president signed it. That’s good.

You mentioned cutting taxes. McCain, as you know, at one point said he could not support the Bush tax cuts “in which so many of the benefits go to the most fortunate among us at the expense of middle-class Americans who most need tax relief.” He’s changed his mind on that. To what extent will those words come back to haunt him in a general election campaign?
I don’t think they’ll come back to haunt him if people look at the record. He ran in 2000 on a tax cut that he had proposed. It was a tax cut that was not as large as the Bush tax cut had promised to be; it was paired with controls on spending and more money spent on defense. I think that looks wise in hindsight. And it put the middle class first in line for the tax cuts. It was a march to a flat tax from the bottom up.

I think you yourself have argued that tax cuts at a time of increases in mandatory spending on entitlement programs are not sustainable. Is that correct?
I am sure I said that we cannot tax our way out of our current situation. I’m sure I’ve said that tax cuts don’t pay for themselves. We’ve got to bring the long-term mandatory commitments in line with revenues, period. The only way to do that is to really address the growth of those spending programs.

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Barack Obama: Front Runner

Wisconsin, a state hitherto best known for beer, cheese and the Green Bay Packers, may earn a place in history as having held the primary that finally tilted the race for the 2008 Democratic nomination to Barack Obama. In a decisive victory that showed just how dramatically Obama has cut into Hillary Clinton’s once strong support among whites, women and blue-collar workers, the Illinois senator on Tuesday defeated his rival from New York 58 percent to 41 percent. Obama also won overwhelmingly in Hawaii.

John McCain, meanwhile, drew within a breath of the Republican nomination, defeating lone rival Mike Huckabee by 55 percent to 37 percent. Huckabee has proved unable to garner much support outside the South, traditional stronghold of his fellow evangelicals, but the former Arkansas governor has resisted bowing out of the race until McCain actually reaches the required 1,191 delegates needed for nomination.

Obama, in an impromptu speech while campaigning in Texas, told a roaring crowd, “Houston, I think we’ve achieved liftoff here.” As he has increasingly done in recent weeks while racking up 10 straight primary victories—including Wisconsin and Hawaii—Obama all but claimed the nomination, referring to the “improbable journey” he began a year ago and saying his “bet has paid off.” Obama also attuned his message to the general election contest against McCain and sounded his now-trademark call for “change.” Because McCain endorses George W. Bush’s economic policies and his war in Iraq, Obama said, the 71-year-old Arizona senator “represents the policies of yesterday and we want to be the party of tomorrow, and I’m looking forward to having that debate with John McCain.”

Obama also continued to register a certain defensiveness against his rivals’ attacks on his relative youth and inexperience. “A year ago … there were those who said, ‘Why are you running so soon? … You can afford to wait’,” he said. “I had to explain to them, I’m not running because of some long-held ambition … I’m running because of what Dr. King called ‘the fierce urgency of now’.” Whether the issue was Iraq, global warming or the economy, he said, “we cannot wait.”

While major primaries remain in Texas and Ohio on March 4, Wisconsin was seen as a test case of whether Obama could make inroads into Clinton’s strongest areas of electoral strength: workers and women. He also won in a mostly white state, decisively capturing the Caucasian male vote and belying the perception that he has been carried in previous primaries by the African-American electorate.

Despite having gone weeks now without a win, Clinton indicated she was not close to giving up. Redoubling her assault on Obama as a golden-tongued but hollow speechmaker, she told a crowd in Youngstown, Ohio, that the election was “about picking a president who relies not just on words but on work … We can’t just have speeches. We’ve got to have solutions … We’ve got to get America back in the solutions business. While words matter, the best words in the world aren’t enough unless you match them with action.” Yet in a 20-minute speech, Clinton made no reference to her loss in Wisconsin, just as she had previously ignored Obama’s other victories. Obama, apparently fed up with her perceived lack of graciousness as well as her negative campaigning, cut into her speech midway and took the news coverage with him. Caskets
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